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The Revolt of the Masses, by J O Y Gasset
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- Sales Rank: #7300499 in Books
- Published on: 1961
- Binding: Hardcover
- 144 pages
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THE SPANISH PHILOSOPHER DEPLORES THE "ACCESSION OF THE MASSES... TO SOCIAL POWER"
By Steven H Propp
José Ortega y Gasset (1883-1955) was a Spanish philosopher, who also wrote books like An Interpretation of Universal History, History as a System and Other Essays Toward a Philosophy of History, etc. He wrote in the Prefatory Note to this 1930 book, "I have treated the subject developed in the present essay in my book `España Invertebrada'... in an article... and in two lectures... My purpose now is to collect and complete that I have already said, so as to produce an organic doctrine concerning the most important fact of our time."
He begins the book with the statement, "There is one fact which, whether for good or ill, is of utmost importance in the public life of Europe at the present moment. This fact is the accession of the masses to complete social power." (Pg. 9) He continues, "The characteristic of the hour is that the commonplace mind, knowing itself to be commonplace, has the assurance to proclaim the rights of the commonplace and to impose them wherever it will... The mass crushes beneath it everything that is different, everything that is excellent, individual, qualified and select. Anybody who is not like everybody, who does not think like everybody, runs the risk of being eliminated... Nowadays, `everybody' is the mass alone. Here we have the formidable fact of our times, described without any concealment of the brutality of its features." (Pg. 14)
He states, "What I have said, and still believe with ever-increasing conviction, is that human society IS always, whether it will or no, aristocratic by its very essence, to the extreme that it is a society in the measure that it is aristocratic, and ceases to be such when it ceases to be aristocratic." (Pg. 16) He calls the "starting-point of this essay" the question, "Whence have come all these multitudes which nowadays fill to overflowing the stage of history?" (Pg. 38)
He explains, "My thesis, therefore, is this: The very perfection with which the nineteenth century gave an organization to certain orders of existence has caused the masses benefited thereby to consider it, not as an organized, but as a natural system. This is explained and defined the absurd state of mind revealed by these masses; they are only concerned with their own well-being, and at the same time they remain alien to the cause of that well-being. As they do not see, beyond the benefits of civilization, marvels of invention and construction which can only be maintained by great effort and foresight, they imagine that their role is limited to demanding these benefits peremptorily, as if they were natural rights. In the disturbances caused by scarcity of food, the mob goes in search of bread, and the means it employs is generally to wreck the bakeries." (Pg. 45) Later, he adds, "My thesis was that nineteenth-century civilization has automatically produced the mass-man." (Pg. 82)
He asserts, "When all these things are lacking there is no culture; there is in the strictest sense of the word, barbarism. And let us not deceive ourselves, this is what is beginning to appear in Europe under the progressive rebellion of the masses... Properly speaking, there are no barbarian standards. Barbarism is the absence of standards to which an appeal can be made." (Pg. 55) He continues, "...there appears for the first time in Europe a new type of man who does not want to give reasons or to be right, but simply shows himself resolved to impose his opinions. This is the new thing: the right not to be reasonable, the `reason of unreason.' Here I see the most palpable manifestation of the new mentality of the masses, due to their having decided to rule society without the capacity for doing so." (Pg. 56)
He states, "I do not believe in the absolute determinism of history. On the contrary, I believe that all life, and consequently the life of history, is made up of simple moments, each of them relatively undetermined in respect of the previous one, so that in it reality hesitates, walks up and down, and is uncertain whether to decide for one or other of various possibilities. It is this metaphysical hesitancy which gives to everything living its unmistakable character of tremulous vibration." (Pg. 59)
He clarifies, "I am not attempting to solve the eternal dilemma of revolution and evolution. The most that this essay dares to demand is that the revolution or the evolution be historical and not anachronistic. The theme I am pursuing in these pages is politically neutral, because it breathes an air much ampler that that of politics and its dissensions. Conservative and Radical are none the less mass, and the difference between them---what at every period has been superficial---does not in the least prevent them both being one and the same man---the common man in rebellion. There is no hope for Europe unless its destiny is placed in the hands of man really `contemporaneous,'' man... who realize the present level of existence, and abhor every archaic and primitive attitude." (Pg. 73)
He observes, "When the mass acts on its own, it does so only in one way, for it has no other: it lynches. It is not altogether by chance that lynch law comes from America, for America is, in a fashion, the paradise of the masses. And it will cause less surprise, nowadays, when the masses triumph, that violence should triumph and be made ... the one doctrine." (Pg. 89) He warns, "This is the gravest danger that today threatens civilization: State intervention; the absorption of all spontaneous social effort by the State, that is to say, of spontaneous historical action, which in the long run sustains, nourishes, and impels human destinies." (Pg. 92)
He contends, "The majority of men have no opinions, and these have to be pumped into them from outside, like lubricants into machinery. Hence it is necessary that some mind or other should hold and exercise authority, so that the people without opinions---the majority---can start having opinions. For without these, the common life of humanity would be chaos, a historic void, lacking in any organic structure. Consequently, without a spiritual power, without someone to command, and in proportion as this is lacking, chaos reigns over mankind." (Pg. 99)
He concludes, "This is the question: Europe has been left without a moral code. It is not that the mass-man has thrown over an antiquated one in exchange for a new one, but that at the very centre of his scheme of life there is precisely the aspiration to live without confirming to any moral code... Immoralism has become a commonplace, and anybody and everybody boasts of practising it." (Pg. 142) He goes on, "The this essay an attempt has been made to sketch a certain type of European, mainly by analyzing his behavior as regards the very civilization into which he was born. This had to be done because that individual does not represent a new civilization ... but a mere negation. Hence it did not serve our purpose to mix up the portrayal of his mind with the great question: What are the radical defects from which modern European culture suffers? For it is evident that in the long run the form of humanity dominant at the present day has its origin in these defects." (Pg. 144)
This is one of Ortega's most stimulating and controversial works; it will be of great interest to students of modern political and cultural philosophy.
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